Upon entering Israel’s Knesset on a Monday, one is almost immediately met with a congregation of Israelis who have one thing in common: their family members were all kidnapped by Hamas on October 7 and are still being held 413 days later. They hold posters and signs, wear t-shirts with their loved ones’ pictures on them, and attempt to speak to each passing Knesset member and Government minister as they shuttle from committee meetings, hearings, and plenaries. Many hostage family members are invited to speak at committee meetings and give heart-wrenching pleas for the State to do everything in its power to return them from captivity. Some MKs are sympathetic, and others exacerbate the palpable political polarization and, shockingly, see the cause of the family members at odds with the objectives of the war. This past Monday, our Reform Movement leaders from North America and Israel met Ayelet Levi and Shira Albag, the mothers of Naama Levi and Liri Albag. Naama and Liri are soldiers who were serving as “spotters” at the Nahal Oz base when Hamas abducted them. Ayelet Levi is an impressive person. A physician from Raanana, she was well put together and composed. After more than a year of her daughter in captivity, I don’t know how she manages to get out of bed in the morning. This past February, Ayelet wrote in the Guardian: “You know who my daughter is because on 7 October last year, she became a symbol to the world of the Hamas massacre. My 19-year-old, kind-hearted daughter Naama was savagely kidnapped and taken into Gaza, and the world watched in horror as she was dragged by her hair out of the back of a Jeep at gunpoint, handcuffed, bleeding, and petrified. Four months into her living nightmare, every moment for me is filled with anguish; there is no difference between day and night.” On Monday, Ayelet directed her criticism straight to the Prime Minister: “It is clear to me that he has sacrificed our daughters (including Shira Albag standing next to her) and all of the hostages for the preservation of his coalition. I’m feeling helpless as there is little I can do right now. He (Prime Minster Netanyahu) has not called or even been willing to take a meeting with me. Please help do everything you can to leverage anyone with power.” The talk of the town in the Knesset is that PM Netanyahu has his eyes set on removing anyone who challenges him or serves as a check or balance. He already removed Defense Minister Yoav Gallant who publicly challenged his priorities, and now at the urging of his far-right coalition partners, he has his sights set on Attorney General Gali Baharav-Miara and head of the General Security Services (Shabak) Ronen Bar.  As Ravit Hecht wrote in Haaretz: “The hostility directed at any and all gatekeepers – particularly those resisting the criminal abandonment of the hostages – and the pressure exerted on [Shin Bet head Ronen] Bar to issue an official opinion that would help Netanyahu evade testifying in his criminal trial were all part of a larger scheme and the calculated preparations for the expected move.” Netanyahu is expected to resume testimony on his corruption trials on December 2, and his fear of conviction and possible incarceration has instilled in him greater fear than any external enemy ever could. The attack by the government and the right-wing against Attorney General Baharav-Miara has reached new heights. It’s not only the repeated calls for her dismissal; it’s also the unrestrained, raging hatred by the Netanyahu sycophant attack dogs in the government and media (what in Israel is commonly referred to as the “poison machine”). The incitement attests to the fact that Baharav-Miara is doing her work faithfully – sometimes almost all by herself – to protect democracy from the insistent attempts of government ministers to complete their political takeover of the country’s mechanisms. The more the government plots to violate the law and bumps up against the attorney general’s system of fortifications, the greater the anger and expressions of incitement against her and the desire to oust her. We heard similar sentiments from members of the opposition, who, by and large, do not see a path to early elections unless Netanyahu declares them himself as a political maneuver to avoid trial or to enhance his power. Baharav-Miara should be a better-known name among Diaspora Jews as she is one of the most powerful and effective defenders of democracy – which is why her days may be numbered. The common accusation against her, as we heard floating around the Knesset corridors, is that she is unsupportive of the Israeli government. It is an attempt to paint her as somehow traitorous or anti-Israel. But she is doing her job. It is not her job to enable the government to do whatever it wants. It is her job to uphold the rule of law, provide direct checks and balances, and uphold the separation of powers. Of recent note, she has opposed the postponement of Netanyahu’s testimony, ordered the issuing of draft notices to 7,000 yeshiva students, refused to defend the government’s desire to pay for daycare for the children of the draft dodgers, and asked Netanyahu to consider firing Itamar Ben-Gvir as national security minister due to his evil plan of politicizing the police. Few things have been able to mobilize the entirety of Israeli society. For instance, Israeli society is sadly not demonstrably moved by the killing of tens of thousands of Palestinians and the destruction of Gaza, nor even the loss of its 800th soldier in the war. The thousands of displaced citizens from Israel’s North receive sympathy but not the kind that brings people into the streets.  That doesn’t mean that Israelis don’t feel these things. These issues have not caused Israelis to shut down the economy or go on strike en masse until the hostages are free. Everywhere we go, the hostages’ pictures are displayed all over the country.Our meant-to-be-temporary yellow ribbons have become permanent fixtures on our lapels and clothing, and they have now morphed into jewelry. They can be seen sold as tchotchkes alongside Hamsa and Jerusalem key chains at souvenir shops in the shuk. Yet, we have no knowledge as to their status, and little hope that they will come home alive. If Baharav-Miara and Bar are fired, Israelis will likely wake up and take to the streets like nothing ever before. But let’s hope that it’s not too late.  If Netanyahu removes the attorney general and the head of the Shabak from their positions, there’s little doubt that mayhem may ensue, and the fate of the hostages will be even more uncertain. Dr. Ayelet Levi has been waiting 412 days for her daughter to return and, shamefully, almost three months to hear back from Netanyahu’s office just for a meeting. Our Reform Movement in Israel has switched its slogan to use a line from the Shulchan Arukh: “כֹּל שֶׁמְּאַחֵר לִפְדּוֹת הַשְּׁבוּיִים הֵיכָן שֶׁאֶפְשָׁר לְהַקְדִּים, כְּאִלּוּ שׁוֹפֵךְ דָּמִים” (יורה דעה, סימן רנב, סעיף ג.) “Anyone who delays in redeeming the captives, especially where it can be done quickly will be considered as if they have shed blood.”  (Shulhan Arukh, Yoreh Deah, 253:3) Too much blood has been spilled already, not to prioritize bringing the hostages home. Failing to do so should be considered morally unthinkable.